For the first time in what has been one of the most dramatic and sustained shifts in public opinion in modern American polling history, support for same-sex marriage in the United States is not merely leveling off, it is declining. A new Gallup survey conducted in May 2026 finds that 65 percent of Americans say

For the first time in what has been one of the most dramatic and sustained shifts in public opinion in modern American polling history, support for same-sex marriage in the United States is not merely leveling off, it is declining. A new Gallup survey conducted in May 2026 finds that 65 percent of Americans say same-sex marriage should be legal, down three points from 68 percent recorded just a year ago in May 2025. The cultural tide, for so long assumed to move in only one direction, appears to be turning.
The Gallup poll, conducted between May 1 and May 17 among 1,001 U.S. adults with a margin of error of four percentage points, represents the most comprehensive annual snapshot of American values on this issue. The findings do not stand in isolation. This marks the third consecutive year of decline from the 2022 and 2023 peak of 71 percent, representing a six-point drop from the highest level of support Gallup has ever recorded on the question.
To understand the full weight of these numbers, it is necessary to recall the trajectory that produced that peak. When Gallup first asked Americans about same-sex marriage in 1996, just 27 percent said it should be legal. Over the next quarter-century, that number climbed with remarkable consistency, passing 50 percent, then 60 percent, then reaching 71 percent in back-to-back years. What is happening now is not a minor statistical fluctuation. It is an interruption of a trend that many academics and media commentators had assumed to be essentially permanent.
The decline is overwhelmingly concentrated among Republicans, whose shift in opinion is the most dramatic demographic story in the data. Support for same-sex marriage among Republicans has plummeted from 55 percent in 2021 and 2022 to 37 percent today, a collapse of 18 points in roughly four years. By comparison, in May 2024, 69 percent of all Americans backed same-sex marriage. The acceleration of Republican opposition since then is statistically striking.
Among independents, the picture is more modest but in the same direction, a six-point decline to 67 percent. Democrats, by contrast, have held essentially steady at 87 percent, a figure that has changed little since 2022. The data make clear that this is not a broad-based societal shift in the sense that all demographic groups are moving together. It is a pronounced, ideologically concentrated correction that is dragging the overall national number downward.
The numbers on moral acceptance of same-sex relationships tell a similar story. Gallup reports that 62 percent of Americans now say gay and lesbian relationships are morally acceptable, the lowest level the organization has recorded since 2016. At the peak in 2022, that figure stood at 71 percent. The nine-point drop over four years is not a rounding error. It represents millions of Americans reconsidering a position they had previously held.
Among Republicans specifically, the moral acceptance of same-sex relationships has fallen a stunning 21 points to 35 percent, a level not seen since the period between 2005 and 2014, when the national conversation about marriage equality was still in its early political phases. For those who argued that the cultural revolution on this issue had achieved irreversible consensus, the data offers a stern corrective.
The transgender issue shows an even steeper decline in public acceptance, though it has followed a different and more compressed timeline. Today, just 38 percent of Americans believe changing one’s gender is morally acceptable, down eight points since the question was first asked in 2021. At the same time, 57 percent now say they consider it morally wrong. Among Republicans, the collapse is near-total. Only 5 percent say changing one’s gender is morally acceptable, down from 22 percent in 2021, a 17-point plunge in five years.
Gallup itself has characterized the overall decline as being largely driven by Republicans and, to a lesser extent, independents, noting that Democratic views on LGBTQ issues have remained steady. But the steady Democratic position also reveals something important. The progressive coalition’s ceiling on these issues has not grown. The left is not persuading new people. It is holding a base while the broader country moves in the opposite direction.
The political context matters enormously. Since the Supreme Court’s Obergefell v. Hodges decision in 2015 established a nationwide right to same-sex marriage, Republican lawmakers in multiple states have called on the court to reconsider that ruling. In 2022, a number of GOP senators voted against the Respect for Marriage Act, which was designed to enshrine federal statutory protections for same-sex and interracial marriages. Those votes were at the time widely characterized as politically untenable. The new polling data suggests the political landscape may be shifting beneath those assumptions.
The numbers also reflect the reality of who is driving the cultural conversation. The Trump administration’s second term has presided over a significant rollback of LGBTQ-related federal policies, including restrictions on gender transitions for minors, changes to military policy, and the removal of diversity, equity, and inclusion programs across the federal government. Whether these policy changes are reflecting public opinion or actively shaping it, or both, is a question that sociologists will be debating for years.
The media representation argument has received some attention from analysts attempting to explain the trend. Industry observers note that there are fewer LGBTQ characters and storylines prominently featured in mainstream film and television today than were present several years ago, a shift that followed a period of peak representation that some viewers experienced as cultural overreach. The relationship between media saturation and public opinion is rarely simple, but the timing of the decline aligns with the retreat from certain entertainment choices.
As of 2025, the Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law recorded more than 800,000 married same-sex couples in the United States. Those marriages exist, those families are real, and the legal framework that protects them is intact. But public opinion data does not track what exists. It tracks what people believe should exist. And on that question, something has clearly shifted in the American conscience.
Conservative commentators have been quick to point out that a 65 percent support figure, while lower than the peak, still represents a majority of Americans, and a majority considerably larger than what existed when the Supreme Court took up the issue. The decline does not indicate that the country is on a trajectory back to 1996. But it does indicate that the consensus was shallower than its most enthusiastic architects claimed and that the political costs of identity politics overreach are beginning to register in the data.
What is particularly revealing is the pace of the decline among Republicans. Moving from 55 percent support to 37 percent in four years is not a gradual trend. It is a dramatic break. It suggests that a significant number of Republican voters who had previously accepted same-sex marriage as settled law have reconsidered that acceptance, possibly in response to the broader culture war over gender identity, parental rights in schools, and the perception that progressive institutions have pushed too far too fast.
Many traditional and religious conservatives have long argued that the rapid normalization of LGBTQ identity in American institutions, from corporations to schools to government agencies, would eventually produce a cultural backlash. For years, polling seemed to refute that argument. The new Gallup data does not fully vindicate it, but it does suggest that the predicted backlash, or at least a version of it, may finally be arriving.
The survey’s findings also arrive at a moment of renewed political pressure on the legal underpinnings of marriage equality. Whether the current Supreme Court, with its conservative majority, would revisit Obergefell remains deeply uncertain. But the political incentive structure has changed. A Republican base that is now only 37 percent supportive of same-sex marriage is a very different constituency from one that was 55 percent supportive just four years ago.
Gallup noted that experts say the current decline is unlikely to be a one-year anomaly. The consistency of the trend across three consecutive years, affecting both overall numbers and subgroup breakdowns, suggests a genuine movement in public values rather than statistical noise. The next several years of polling will be critical in determining whether this is a temporary adjustment or the early phase of a more significant realignment.
For Americans who hold traditional views of marriage and family, views grounded in religious conviction, natural law, or simply longstanding cultural practice, the numbers represent a validation long dismissed by media and academic elites.